Zimbabweans must not allowed themselves to be
misled by those who see the street protests as all the nation needed to do to
end Mugabe’s reign of terror and have, in its place, economic prosperity and
political stability. Patrick Kuwana wrote one such misleading article “Zimbabwe’s
tipping point – Here’s why it can turn around quickly” in the Zimbabwe
Independent and in Zimbabwe Situation. His was an academic
case study that was so far divorced from the reality of the Zimbabwe situation it
was supposed to fit one can only compare it expecting a doll’s dress to fit an
adult.
“‘Change seldom occurs until the pain of
staying the same exceeds the pain of change.’ There is a point where this
statement proves to be true especially when a nation drops from being the
‘breadbasket to the begging bowl of Africa’ within a single generation,” he started
off.
Started off on the
wrong foot, for a start! The on-going street protests are not the first time
the people of Zimbabwe have staged a revolt; the war of independence was a
revolution in its own right. The people’s economic situation then was
definitely better than it has ever been since 1980; from the day we attained
our independence our national economy has been on stead path of decline. We certainly
had our breadbasket status throughout the nation’s fight for independence.
If it was a simple
matter of the pain cause by economic meltdown finally becoming unbearable then
one has to ask whether Zimbabweans have an unusually high tolerance for pain,
way above most other human beings. As Patrick readily admitted Zimbabweans have
endured “hyperinflation, lack
of access to cash and +80% unemployment”. Most other nationals would have been
out on the street demanding regime change long before unemployment reach 10%
especially when they knew, as Zimbabwe have known
for decades, that the root causes of the country’s economic problems were gross
mismanagement and rampant corruption.
Mugabe told the
nation on prime time TV that $15 billion was looted (nearly four times the $4 billion
government’s annual revenue and happening at a time when the regime was failing
to pay civil servant wages much less anything else). The revelation did not
even cause a ripple of public disquiet.
President Mugabe and
his Foreign Affairs Minister have both attributed the people of Zimbabwe’s
apparent indifference to their on suffering and even deaths to their “resilience”,
a variation to Patrick’s theory that the people have not demand reform until
now because they had not suffered enough. It is all nonsense, the people of Zimbabwe
feel the pain as acutely as anyone else out there; they revolted against white
colonial oppression and exploitation because they felt the injustice of being
denied freedoms and basic humans regardless of the nation’s breadbasket status.
The people have
felt the economic hardship and political suffering brought on by Zanu PF’s misrule
and the brutal repression just as cutely. They have been very slow in revolting
because each time in the past they have done so, reached “the transformative
tipping point” as Patrick called it; nothing has changed.
“For the sake of clarity,” explained Patrick, “
it’s worthwhile to define the word transformation – ‘It is a process of profound
and radical change that orients an individual, organisation, community, city or
nation in a new direction and takes them/it to an entirely different level of
effectiveness.’
“Now that Zimbabwe seems to be drawing closer
towards this transformational tipping point, it is a good time to look at some
of the elements why this has the potential of being a model case for African
national recovery and restoration.”
Zimbabwe had a transformative tipping points
in 1980 and in 2008 but both failed to deliver the freedom, justice and human
rights for the former and not even one democratic change for the latter. This
has happened because the people failed to think though what changes the nation
needed to carry out to ensure freedom, justice, etc. for all. So whilst Mugabe
and Tsvangirai have failed to deliver on what they promised the nation, the people
have never hold the two leaders to account because the people did not have a
clue what they wanted.
There is a depressing déjà vu feeling about
the current street protests; they too will result in no meaningful change
because the people still have no clue what they want beyond the standard call
for democratic change.
It is not as if the required democratic reforms
are complex and thus beyond the comprehension of most people; on the contrary,
the reforms are simple and logical. Police reforms, for example, demand the
structural reforms to give parliament the power to ask for detailed accounts of
Policing matters from senior Police Officers and to demand of the State President
to replace all those Officers parliament is not pleased with their performance.
Parliament does not have these powers at present.
“‘Any organisation (or country) can never move
beyond the constraints of its leadership’, concluded Patrick. “With the right
leadership in place a strong business case can be put forward that will open up
the doors of human and financial capital flow to kick start the recovery
process. In fact, with the South Africa’s economic growth projections tending
towards 0%, Zimbabwe might just end up being the investors new destination of
choice.
“Is what we are seeing the start of the
greatest national turnaround in Africa?”
The people have not yet grasped the need for
democratic reforms designed to dismantle the Zanu PF dictatorship. As long as
the Zanu PF dictatorship remains, in one form or another, Zimbabwe’s economy
will never really recover let alone be “the greatest national (economic) turnaround
in Africa”!
A few people accept that the street protests
in themselves are not enough to deliver meaningful change hence the reason they
have been asking the question “What next?” A lot more people must ask themselves
this and find the answers.
“Totenda maruva tadya chakata!” so goes the
Shona saying. (We should believe in the blossoms after eating the fruit.) This
is particularly important since street protests is the easy bit, thinking
through what the democratic reforms are and then making sure they are all implemented
properly are the really tough bits.
If we do not implement the reforms properly then
the on-going revolution will too accomplish very little has already happened in
1980 and in 2008.
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