The Standard
Rhetoric or reality in Zimbabwe: The failure of the state and the need for a national transitional authority
Standard People
By Ibbo Mandaza | 9h ago
The failure of Zec in 2023 was laid bare even the Sadc Electoral Observation Mission (SEOM), but “cured” by the Sadc summit’s congratulations for Zimbabwe holding a "peaceful” election.
By Ibbo Mandaza, Tony Reeler and Obert Masaruare
Now that Zanu PF has again imploded almost irreparably, and with both immanent and imminent threat to the state itself, Zimbabwe faces another moment of uncertainty.
Not least because the other factors, normally attendant to the political process over the tumultuous period since 2000, have declined into insignificance.
The formal opposition lies lame and virtually comatose; Sadc is all but dead and cannot be expected to afford any influence whatsoever.
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Likewise, the so-called international community is consumed with more pressing matters than a Zimbabwe now so remote and marginal.
The economy which, though in permanent crisis and has caused both the growth of an informal sector and the exodus of at least 75% of the country’s professional and skilled population, has so far not been the expected fuel of revolutionary change.
The most disturbing aspects of all this is the growing perception in public opinion, that another coup within the Zanu PF state might redeem the situation, even in the face of almost eight years of evidence that this is the very same regime that has wrought havoc over the last two decades or more.
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Let’s be clear: the replacement of President Emmerson Mnangagwa with Chiwenga may not in the current circumstances yield the political and economic respite that Zimbabwe sorely needs, even if, as is expected, there will be at least an assault on the current unbridled corruption and its consequences for the state itself.
For, it is obvious that the state in Zimbabwe has over the last two decades been depleted of capacity to deliver, let alone possess the fundamentals of a functioning democracy, namely an accountable executive, a vibrant legislature, and a fiercely independent judiciary.
As we have already stated, Zimbabwe is in dire need of a mechanism, a transitional period during which to introspect, reorganize and find itself towards a new beginning, a National Transitional Authority (NTA).
So, what is to be done? Do we stand by, again, as the internecine power struggle rages within a ruling party now virtually shed of any semblance of its liberation credentials, politically and ideologically vacuous, and its securocrat state, not only incapable of political and economic reform, but also threatened with disintegration before our eyes?
The government claims that the country is moving to the prized status of a “middle-income” country whilst most of the citizens are mired in abject poverty.
Last year over 30 000 young Zimbabweans graduated from the 10 state universities with virtually no prospect of employment other than in the massive informal economy, and this year 6 900 youngsters graduated from Zimbabwe’s oldest university, the University of Zimbabwe, to join the same throng into unemployment.
A recent survey points out that 75% of 1 480 respondents stated that the direction in which the country was going was “very negative”, echoing a similar finding from the Afrobarometer in 2024 where 61% said the same.
Against this background, where does this optimism of the government that the future is rosy come from?
How can the prospects be bright when the ruling party is riven by internal conflict over succession once again? The last time such conflict within Zanu PF occurred the result was a coup.
The great hope at that time was the new regime would undertake the extremely necessary reforms needed to stabilise the economy, dea
Repeatedly stating that we need a NTA without providing a viable mechanism of how we are supposed to move from the dictatorship to NTA is the reason why the later has never happened. The NTA has become the classical belling the cat!