Non-partisan NTA for Zimbabwe makes sense but first we must stop ED 2030 nonsense getting traction! W Mukori

 The November 17th Coup: Commemorating Institutional Collapse and the Unfinished Liberation.

17 November 2025 

On November 17th, Zimbabweans observe the anniversary of the military intervention that culminated in the forced resignation of the nation's inaugural post-independence President, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, just two days later. This event, often termed a "soft coup" or "Operation Restore Legacy," was a moment of profound political rupture, yet it fundamentally exposed the deep-seated decay and complete erosion of integrity within the very State institutions meant to safeguard constitutional democracy.

The Legacy of Institutional Failure and Pervasive Corruption

The immediate pretext for Mugabe’s ouster included allegations of massive, unchecked corruption perpetrated by his inner circle, known as the G40 faction. This period was characterized by the utter failure of critical State institutions—such as the Anti-Corruption Commission, the Judiciary, and law enforcement—to effectively investigate or prosecute high-level graft. Mugabe himself delivered a staggering, if anecdotal, indictment of this failure when he publicly conceded that an estimated USD $15 billion was looted from the Chiadzwa diamond fields—a clear sign that the State was either unwilling or unable to protect national wealth.

Alarmingly, the patterns of systemic corruption and institutional capture have not abated since 2017; indeed, they appear to have intensified. Contemporary examples demonstrate a continuation of national asset depletion at an even greater scale:

•⁠  ⁠The Kuvimba Mining Holding Controversy: The alleged highly corrupt USD $1.9 billion deal surrounding Kuvimba Mining Holdings, which reportedly benefited a specific, well-connected individual (Kudakwashe Tagwirei), underscores the continuation of opaque resource management.

•⁠  ⁠The "Gold Mafia" Exposé: The 2023 investigative documentary laid bare the intricate network of organized crime, money laundering, and illicit gold trading, illustrating how politically connected individuals can utilize State apparatus for massive private enrichment.

•⁠  ⁠Massive Debt Repayments: The process of settling sovereign debt has become an opaque mechanism through which billions of dollars are channeled, often lacking transparent oversight and raising concerns about further opportunities for high-level looting.

Once again, key oversight and accountability institutions are found wanting, demonstrating a paralysis in tackling corruption that mirrors, and possibly exceeds, the situation under the previous administration.

The Succession Trap and Constitutional Subversion

While corruption provided the popular justification for the coup, the core trigger was the incumbent President’s failure to decisively manage the critical issue of political succession. By persistently delaying and avoiding a clear succession plan, Mugabe fostered intense impatience and anxiety among competing factions, ultimately leading those who coveted his office to orchestrate his removal.

Tragically, the current political leadership appears trapped in this same self-defeating paradigm. The spectre of a leader attempting to unlawfully remain in power is resurfacing. Current President Emmerson Mnangagwa, whose term is constitutionally prescribed to end in 2028, is now allegedly maneuvering to subvert the Constitution and illegally extend his tenure, potentially aiming for 2030 or beyond.

In a functional democracy, State institutions—particularly the Judiciary and Parliament—would decisively step in to uphold the Constitution and protect the democratic framework. However, just as in 2017, the institutions tasked with managing a smooth and constitutional transfer of power are proving structurally incapable.

It has gone without comment that one aspect of the coup in 2017 was the profound undermining of the constitution by the courts. The decision by Justice Chiweshe and subsequent defence of the judgement by Chief Justice Malaba that Section 212 of the Constitution should be interpreted to allow the army to enter civilian affairs outside deployment by the President (on the pretext of defending the country or the constitution) has both sanitised the coup and allows the army an unfettered right to mount further coups.

The Root Cause: Conflation of Party and and a unreformed Neo colonial State.

At the very heart of this chronic institutional failure is the malignant conflation of the ruling political party and the State apparatus. Furthermore, the institutional architecture of the party itself, forged by Mugabe’s “one center of power” policy, grants the party’s First Secretary and President near-absolute control. This figure effectively commands all State institutions, rendering them instruments of partisan power rather than non-partisan servants of the public good.

While the military demonstrated its capacity in 2017 to exploit political miscalculation and subdue civilian institutions to remove a sitting President, its intervention did not achieve genuine political reform. The 2017 narrative, promising to "restore the legacy of the liberation struggle"—defined as the supremacy of the democratic vote and the equitable distribution of national resources—initially gave Zimbabweans hope. There was a widespread expectation that the crisis would finally lead to reformed, non-partisan State institutions positioned to serve all citizens, not just the ruling elite.

The Need for a Non-Partisan Transitional Authority (NTA)

The history of political transitions in Zimbabwe—from the 19

80 independence, the 1987 Unity Accord, the 2009 Government of National Unity, to the 2017 coup—demonstrates a consistent pattern: politicians have repeatedly failed to steward this mandate for reform. They have proven incapable of dismantling the structures of a neo colonial, captured State and corruption that perpetuate national crisis.

All the underlying conditions and ingredients that precipitated the 2017 coup—rampant corruption, a contested succession, and captured, paralyzed State institutions—are alarmingly present today. Yet, the nation justifiably dreads the violence and further democratic backsliding that another military intervention would entail.

Therefore, the way forward cannot be through another political faction or military maneuver. It is now evident that only a genuinely Non-Partisan Transitional Authority (NTA)—composed of individuals committed solely to national interest, institutional repair, and economic stabilization—can effectively fix our State institutions and render them fit for the purpose of serving all Zimbabweans.

The NTA Caretaker Council, calls upon all Zimbabweans to peacefully and constitutionally demand the formation of a Non-Partisan Transitional Authority as the only viable strategy to avert the threat of yet another unconstitutional power grab and to finally complete the long-delayed liberation of Zimbabwe by establishing a functional, democratic State.

Issued on behalf of the NTA Steering Committee,

Released by;

Ibbo Mandaza, NTA Steering Committee Chairperson

Tony Reeler, NTA Steering Committee Secretary

Obert Masaraure, NTA Steering Committee Publicity Secretary

+263776129336

 

Ntafront@gmail.com

I subscribe to the proposal of a Non-partisan NTA.  

Both Zanu PF and the utterly useless MDC/CCC leaders want the 2028 elections to go ahead with no reforms implemented and both are using ED 2030 as cover to draw attention away from the folly of participating in flawed 2028. 

The ordinary people will need convincing that ED 2030 is a decoy that will stop Mnangagwa extending his rule but will not stop Zanu PF rigging 2028 and getting away with it because people participated. The people have to understand that result is a repeat of supporting 2017 coup that remove one dictator with another and changed nothing. 

Stop people participating in flawed 2028 elections in their 2018 or 2023 numbers and SADC and AU will deny Zanu PF legitimacy and demand a new GNU. Given the fact the 2008 to 2013 GNU failed to implement even one token reform, I believe both SADC and AU will understand why both Zanu PF and MDC/CCC leaders cannot play a major role in the new GNU.  

Biti the real fight is over implementing reforms to ensure free elections, ED 2030 is a decoy. W Mukori

 @ Biti

Biti accused ZANU-PF operatives of riding on the credibility of genuine applicants to file phantom litigation designed to be dismissed on technical grounds - thereby creating a legal precedent to justify the term extension without public consent.

"This is the latest chapter in the copybook of Agenda 2030 shenanigans," Biti said. "They have used violence, fear, capture, and coercion to drive this process. Millions have been spent compromising individuals and institutions."

He alleged that vehicles and other resources were being used to entrap political opponents, while ghost social media accounts were deployed to push the narrative. "Zimbabwe is not buying into this. The attempt to mutilate the Constitution represents the biggest existential threat to the Republic," he warned.

Biti emphasized that defending the Constitution is synonymous with defending national dignity and sovereignty. "Everything else starts and ends with constitutionalism and the rule of law. Any contrary position is a betrayal of the values of the liberation struggle," he said.

He further condemned what he termed "fraudulent attempts to manipulate processes by creating ghost litigation," vowing that the opposition would remain vigilant and alert.

His remarks come amid growing concern over alleged judicial complicity and political engineering aimed at extending Mnangagwa's tenure beyond the constitutionally mandated two terms.

In 2008 Mnangagwa and Chiwenga stopped ZEC announcing the March election results and ordered a recount that was to last six weeks. They whittled down Tsvangirai’s 73% vote count to 47% enough to justify a presidential run off. 

The two Zanu PF thugs masterminded Operation Mavhotera Papi, a military style operation whose sole purpose was to punish the people of Zimbabwe for daring to reject Zanu PF in the March 2008 vote. War veterans and Zanu PF youth militia as the foot soldiers tasked to harass, destroy property, beat and/or rape. They were backed by the Army, Police, CIO and Prison Services personnel who carried out the heavy duty tasks of abducting and killing. 

“What was won by the bullet cannot be undone with a ballot!” thundered Robert Mugabe, publicly endorsing Operation Mavhotera Papi.

Millions of Zimbabweans were forced to go into hiding, hundreds of thousands were severely assaulted. Some had their hands cut-off at the wrist or elbow - “long sleeve or short sleeve” their assailants would ask. Over 500 people were murdered or disappeared. 

“Zanu PF has declared war on the people!” complained Morgan Tsvangirai and withdrew from the run-off. 

Mugabe won the 2008 run-off, the one-horse race. And ever since Zanu PF has reminded the people the party will revive Operation Mavhotera Papi if they dared reject the party ever again. Operation harvest fear! 

SA’s President Thabo Mbeki send out a team to investigate the election violence. One of the Generals on the team broke down into tears. “How can a liberation movement commit such heinous crimes against its own people!” he cried. 

It was on the basis of the Generals’ report that the ANC government and the rest of SADC leaders refused to recognise Zanu PF political legitimacy forcing Mugabe to accept the 2008 to 2013 GNU. 

The primary purpose of the GNU was to implement the democratic reforms to ensure the blatant cheating wanton violence of the 2008 elections will never be repeated ever again. 

Alas! Not even one token democratic reform was implemented in the 5 GNU years. Robert Mugabe bribed Morgan Tsvangirai, Tendai Biti and the rest of the MDC leaders with the trappings of high office and with their snouts in the feeding trough their forgot about implementing the reforms. 

“Mazivanhu eMDC adzidza kudya anyerere!” boasted one Zanu PF crony when asked why MDC leaders were not implementing the democratic reforms during the GNU!

The people of Zimbabwe have risked all to elect Morgan Tsvangirai, Tendai Biti and the rest of the MDC leaders these last 25 years on the understanding they will implement all the necessary democratic changes, reforms, to stop Zanu PF rigging elections, They named their party Movement for Democratic Change to underline what they were there for. 

The MDC leaders DID have many opportunities to implement the reforms with the best chances coming during the 2008 to 2013 GNU. They have failed to implement even one token reform. Not even one! Mugabe bribed them with the trappings of high office and they forgot about the reforms.

Ever since the GNU debacle the MDC/CCC leaders have participated in flawed elections to give Zanu PF legitimacy out of greed. They knew this and even conned their followers to participate on the basis of idiotic lies that the MDC/CCC would win the rigged elections. 

“The worst aspect for me about the failure to agree a coalition was that both MDCs couldn’t now do the obvious - withdraw from the (2023) elections. The electoral process was so flawed, so illegal, that the only logical step was to withdraw, which would compel SADC to hold Zanu PF to account. But such was the distrust between the MDC-T and MDC-N that neither could withdraw for fear that the other would remain in the elections, winning seats and giving the process credibility,” confessed David Coltart in his Book, The Struggle Continues 50 years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe. 

Biti & co. are hell bent on participating in flawed and illegal 2028 elections just as they have participated in flawed elections in the past. Whilst in the past they have used the idiotic lies such as “plugged all vote rigging loop holes. #Godisinit!” this time they will participate “to stop Zanu PF amending the constitution to accommodate ED 2030!” 

The truth is the real big fight is still implementing the reforms to stop Zanu PF rigging the elections - the fight MDC leaders have avoided for the last 25 years including the GNU years. We cannot get any reforms implemented now but can do the next best thing stop participating to give the regime legitimacy. 

If Chamisa & co. had not participated in the 2023 election in numbers, 2 million, both SADC and AU would have denied Zanu PF legitimacy. If the opposition does not participate in their millions in 2028 and Zanu PF is denied legitimacy and forced to go into a new GNU, the new GNU will refuse to have Mnangagwa imposed on them. 

So even if Mnangagwa had managed to arm-twist this parliament to extend his stay in office beyond 2028. Zanu PF’s failure to get legitimacy in 2028 will stop all that rubbish.

Tendai Biti & co. are hell bent on participating in flawed 2028 elections; stopping them and the millions of their brain dead followers participating is the big challenge!

Zimbabwe's potholes will not disappear by going after the road contractor, the Kapenta, whilst the political leaders, big fish go free! W Mukori

 @ David Coltart

“Bulawayo mayor goes after poor road constructor

The matter reignited this week after a citizen raised complaints on X. He posted photos of a failing road between Renkini and Ross Camp. He asked who constructed the road, noting it was barely a year old. The post tagged the City of Bulawayo and Mayor David Coltart.

Coltart responded quickly and promised an investigation. His swift reply impressed many residents. It signalled a new approach to accountability. Coltart has pushed for cleaner governance since taking office. His actions show commitment to transparency. He wants contractors to deliver lasting work.”

Excellent Lord Mayor, it is gratifying to hear you are “going after poor road workmanship”. 

Whilst you are still on this subject, can you also please investigate the sell outs who failed to implement even one token reform during the 2008 to 2013 GNU and, to rub salt and chilli into the wound, have been participating in flawed elections to give Zanu PF legitimacy out of greed. It is not as if the sell outs did not know what they were doping - they did. 

 “Look, you can't keep on participating in flawed electoral processes that serve to give big benefits to dictators such as Robert Mugabe. Mugabe has perfected the art of winning elections. So it will be very foolish for the opposition to continue legitimizing these sham elections which don't deliver. This country will go through a serious economic crisis in 2020 caused by Zanu PF. And yet, this is the only country where a government doesn't perform, it is encouraged by a super majority in parliament,” said Tendai Biti in a 2015 interview with Isaac Mugabi.

“So you can't continue subjecting Zimbabweans to processes where their hopes just get crushed.”

Tendai Biti has never explained why he did not follow his own sound advice; you, Coltart, stated the reason in black and white - greed.

“The worst aspect for me about the failure to agree a coalition was that both MDCs couldn’t now do the obvious - withdraw from the (2023) elections. The electoral process was so flawed, so illegal, that the only logical step was to withdraw, which would compel SADC to hold Zanu PF to account. But such was the distrust between the MDC-T and MDC-N that neither could withdraw for fear that the other would remain in the elections, winning seats and giving the process credibility,” you confessed in your Book, The Struggle Continues 50 years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe.

You knew that that Zanu PF was rigging the 2023 elections, that participating would give the regime legitimacy and still you participated out of greed. Even when both SADC and AU election observers condemned the elections as flawed and illegal you still went ahead and took up your gravy train seat. And now the hypocrite is going after shoddy road contractors!

The shoddy work of road contractors is but a microcosm is the cancer that is destroying the nation. The rot has started at the top with the leaders and it is there that we must uproot the corrupt, incompetent and sell out leaders first if Zimbabwe is ever going to recover!

SADC CALLS THE TANZANIAN ELECTION A SHAM

 SADC CALLS THE TANZANIAN ELECTION A SHAM!

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has issued its preliminary Electoral Observation Mission report on Tanzania’s sham and violent election, and it is scathing.

The Preliminary Statement on the 2025 Tanzanian General Election include the following key issues:

 1.⁠ ⁠Intimidation and Uneven Political Environment.

Reports of abductions and arrests of opposition activists and leaders, including Tundu Lissu of CHADEMA and Luhaga Mpina of ACT-Wazalendo.

Opposition members’ disqualifications created an uneven playing field and discouraged participation.

Some stakeholders said the “calm” environment was a result of covert intimidation and fear, not peace.

 2.⁠ ⁠Restrictions on Electoral Justice.

🔁 ⁠ Follow and share change Radio WhatsApp Channel in every group! ⁠ https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029Vb6fXziGZNCmBNc1U61K/8

Article 41(7) of the Constitution bars courts from challenging presidential election results.

Article 74(12) prevents courts from reviewing the Electoral Commission’s actions.

Both provisions block transparency, accountability, and judicial recourse, which contradict SADC democratic principles.

 3.⁠ ⁠Compromised Independence of the Electoral Commission.

The President, who is also the ruling party chairperson and a presidential candidate, appoints the election commissioners, raising doubts about their independence.

 4.⁠ ⁠Internet Shutdown and Information Blackout.

The internet was cut off on election day, halting communication and preventing SEOM from gathering or transmitting data on polling, counting, and closing processes.

 5.⁠ ⁠Harassment of Observers.

SEOM observers were interrogated by security forces, had passports temporarily seized, and were forced to delete photographs in Tanga.

Accreditation delays and missing introduction letters hindered their work.

 6.⁠ ⁠Media Censorship and Lack of Freedom of Expression.

Censorship of online platforms and restrictions on media freedom were reported.

State-owned media overwhelmingly favoured the ruling party, while private media self-censored out of fear of losing licences.

 7.⁠ ⁠Low Voter Turnout and Suspicious Voting Practices.

The mission recorded very low turnout across polling stations.

Some ballot boxes showed multiple stacked ballots, suggesting possible ballot stuffing.

 8.⁠ ⁠Gender and Youth Marginalisation.

Only 3 of 17 presidential candidates were women.

Women and youth faced cultural, financial, and institutional barriers to meaningful participation.

 9.⁠ ⁠Exclusion of Civil Society and Voter Education Groups.

Some established NGOs were denied accreditation for voter education.

Funding reductions and late accreditation announcements hurt civic education quality.

10.⁠ ⁠Security Overreach.

Heavy police presence, particularly in Dar es Salaam, sometimes outnumbered voters.

Reports of police firing guns in several regions (Mbeya, Dodoma, Arusha, Dar es Salaam).

11.⁠ ⁠Constitutional Limitations on Independent Candidates.

Laws prevent citizens who are not affiliated with political parties from running for office, restricting political choice and freedom of association.

12.⁠ ⁠Domestic Observers Largely Absent.

SEOM noted a lack of local election observers in most polling stations.

13.⁠ ⁠Delayed Report Publication.

The SEOM could not issue its statement within the usual two days due to security and communication challenges, underscoring the tense and repressive environment.

In conclusion, the SEOM determined that voters could not freely express their democratic will and that the 2025 Tanzanian elections fell short of SADC’s Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.

The observation team was led by the Right Honourable Richard Msowoya, former Speaker of Parliament of the Republic of Malawi."

SADC must act and end this madness once and once for all!

'Do not put the Lord your God to the test.’ Is Chamisa not putting God to the test in insisting he will win flawed elections! W Mukori

 “PREPARE…Always be ready. You have to be ready! In waiting, you are working. You are working the perfect way and will of God. In the bible, the story of David fascinates me. David was no stranger to the wait. He was chosen king, and yet he had to wait even when Saul was already rejected, dethroned and gone. And as jealousy and vitriol grows, David would have to wait even longer for the throne was assured.” Posted Chamisa on X. 

“David had to wait patiently in the journey of becoming a model leader. But waiting isn’t wasted when #Godisinit. Waiting is a classroom where character is moulded, purpose refined and faith is forged. Integrity is baked in the oven and furnace of trials and tribulations. Waiting doesn’t mean inactivity; it means being strategic, preparing and planning for the next task, yet refusing the temptation to prematurely grab what God has already given and granted.”

All this self proclamation as the anointed one of GOD, all this #Godisinit! and all these quotations from the Bible is boarding of blasphemy. Chamisa conned the people to participate in flawed 2023 elections insisting he had “plugged all the vote rigging loop holes. #Godisinit!” evoking the name of God. 

“I started preparing my cabinet,” he continued. “God’s plan will not fail!”

Yet the day after voting was done, Chamisa was leading from the front those complaining that Zanu PF rigged the elections - the very thing he said would not happen. SADC, the AU and all respectable election observers confirmed the elections were rigged and for the umpteenth time they have recommended that we implement the democratic reforms to ensure free, fair and credible elections. 

We are now being told that it was NOT God’s plan for Chamisa to win 2023 elections but rather to make him wait. “In waiting, you are working. You are working the perfect way and will of God.”

Strange! Chamisa conned the people to participate in these flawed knowing fully well that doing so would give Zanu PF legitimacy and perpetuate the dictatorship. He and his CCC fiends also knew that Zanu PF was giving away a few gravy train seats to entice the opposition to participate. They knew all this! 

“The worst aspect for me about the failure to agree a coalition was that both MDCs couldn’t now do the obvious - withdraw from the (2023) elections. The electoral process was so flawed, so illegal, that the only logical step was to withdraw, which would compel SADC to hold Zanu PF to account. But such was the distrust between the MDC-T and MDC-N that neither could withdraw for fear that the other would remain in the elections, winning seats and giving the process credibility,” confessed David Coltart in his Book, The Struggle Continues 50 years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe. 

Chamisa and his MDC/CCC fiends have lied about winning rigged elections to justify their insistence in participating in flawed elections and to to hide the real reason for participating was greed. We the people, have been foolish enough to believe these lies!  

After taking a sabbatical break after the 2023 elections, Chamisa is back. All this grandstanding and posturing by Chamisa is for one purpose one purpose only - to buttress the lie he WILL win flawed 2028 elections and con the people to participate. 

After 45 years of rigged, how many more rigged elections are we going endure before we finally do the obvious paid heed to the election observer teams’ repeated advice to implement the democratic reforms. Why are we asking God to do for us what we can easily to do for ourselves!  

‘Do not put the Lord your God to the test.’ is the one of the few Bible verses Chamisa has yet to quote! 

Ziyambi Ziyambi gives a masterful rebuttal of Chiwenga's claim the Army deserve credit for 2017 coup. A Pyrrhic victory, at best! W Mukori

 When Justice Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi stood before the ZANU PF Politburo on Tuesday to present a formal rebuttal to Vice President Constantino Chiwenga's allegations, he did not merely read a document. 

He delivered a declaration of political war disguised as a legal defence. 

The text, couched in the language of constitutionalism and party discipline, was in reality a carefully choreographed attempt by President Emmerson Mnangagwa to reassert control, criminalise dissent, and finally dismantle the uneasy military-civilian compact that has defined Zimbabwean politics since the coup of 2017.

This was not just a statement of defence; it was a manifesto of dominance. For the first time since assuming power, Mnangagwa has chosen to confront his deputy head on, abandoning the fiction of unity that has held ZANU PF together through a fragile coexistence of mutual suspicion. In doing so, he has signalled that the long-postponed reckoning between the civilian leadership and the military elite has arrived.

By assigning the justice minister and not a political aide to deliver the rebuttal, Mnangagwa elevated what was previously an internal quarrel into a formal institutional matter. Ziyambi's dual role as both cabinet minister and party Secretary for Legal Affairs provided the perfect vehicle through which to convert a political contest into a legal and ideological indictment. 

What began as an exchange of accusations within the presidium has thus been transformed into a matter of state legitimacy.

This tactic is as deliberate as it is effective. 

Mnangagwa understands that within ZANU PF, disputes resolved through the party's disciplinary mechanisms can be managed, contained, and erased from memory. 

But once framed as constitutional breaches, as treasonous, inciteful, or subversive, they assume a permanence that allows him to deploy the full coercive machinery of the state. In short, Ziyambi's rebuttal was a legal trap masquerading as an act of clarification.

At the heart of Mnangagwa's counteroffensive lies a profound act of political revisionism. 

Chiwenga's alleged letter sought to reclaim authorship of the 2017 coup, Operation Restore Legacy, as a military intervention that rescued both the nation and the party from the clutches of Robert Mugabe's dynastic ambitions. That narrative has always been Chiwenga's moral claim to power, that he was the midwife of the Second Republic, and therefore its rightful heir.

Ziyambi's rebuttal dismantles this claim with surgical precision. 

It reframes the coup not as a military rescue mission, but as a collective national effort encompassing the party, ordinary citizens, and patriotic business figures such as Kudakwashe Tagwirei. 

By distributing ownership of the event, the rebuttal dilutes the military's monopoly on legitimacy. 

The military becomes a participant, not the protagonist, in Zimbabwe's political rebirth.

This is a masterstroke of political narrative control. Mnangagwa is rewriting the central myth of his presidency, recasting himself not as a beneficiary of military benevolence, but as the chosen leader of a broad-based patriotic movement. 

In doing so, he shifts the moral centre of power away from the barracks and back to the State House. It is, in essence, a coup against the memory of a coup.

Perhaps the most striking feature of Ziyambi's document is its relentless invocation of criminal language. 

Chiwenga's conduct and claims are described as treasonous, inciteful, and reminiscent of the events of November 2017. 

The message is clear: criticism of Mnangagwa is no longer mere disloyalty, it is a threat to national security.

This shift from political to criminal vocabulary is not merely semantic. 

It signals that Mnangagwa intends to move the battlefield from the party's internal structures to the courts and security apparatus. 

By framing Chiwenga's alleged actions as subversive, the president is constructing a legal pretext for his neutralisation, whether through political isolation, judicial harassment, or eventual prosecution.

This is a tactic borrowed from Mnangagwa's long apprenticeship under Mugabe, the weaponisation of legality. Where Mugabe deployed revolutionary legitimacy to destroy rivals, Mnangagwa uses constitutionalism and the veneer of order. 

His genius lies in transforming repression into the language of rule of law.

Another revealing aspect of the rebuttal is its vigorous defence of the businessmen whom Chiwenga reportedly accused of corruption and undue influence, - Kudakwashe Tagwirei, Wicknell Chivhayo, Pedzisai “Scott” Sakupwanya, and Delish Nguwaya. 

These figures, long accused of profiteering from state contracts and proximity to power, are recast by Ziyambi as patriotic benefactors who sacrifice for the party and contribute to national development.

This rhetorical inversion serves a dual purpose. 

First, it sanitises Mnangagwa's inner circle of financiers, transforming accusations of corruption into acts of philanthropy.

Masterful as Ziyambi Ziyambi rebuttal was did not touch Justice George Chiweshe’s ruling after the 2017 military coup that it was “justified, legal and constitutional.” The judgement was nonsense because Justice Chiweshe did quote the Chapter and verse in the constitution that allowed anyone other than The Commander In Chief to deploy the Army because there is such chapter and verse. The Second Republic accepted the judgement because gave it legitimacy.  

The core of Ziyambi’s rebuttal is that it was not the decision of General Chiwenga and his coArmy Officers alone to deploy the Army then this is making a monkey of Justice Chiweshe’s judgement. He said the Army was justified to stage the coup. Is he going to revise that and said the army and  “collective national effort encompassing the party, ordinary citizens, and patriotic business figures such as Kudakwashe Tagwirei” was justified in staging the coup?

The Second Republic was never going to last because it was built on lies; it does not have any legitimacy, never had. Zanu PF rigged the 2018 and 2023 elections and thus wasted its real chances to redeem itself! 

The people of Zimbabwe were sick to their back teeth of the vote rigging Zanu PF dictatorship and the dictator Robert Mugabe himself. The welcome the coup for no other reason than that is finally booted out the dictator. They should have paused to think of the morning after the coup because it was clear the coup was removing one dictator only to replace him with another dictator. 

 The penny dropped soon enough and many Zimbabweans have regretted going out in the street in support of the military coup. They have name 17 November 2017 “Dzungu Day” (Panic or Folly Day). Of course, it was foolish to celebrate the swapping one dictator for another!

Still, the people have learned an important lesson because when Blessed “Bombshell” Geza called out for the people to support his so-called Geza Revolution seeking to replace Mnangagwa with Chiwenga, only a few heeded the call. As much as millions want to see the back of Mnangagwa they are weary of repeating the 2017 folly of swapping one dictator for another. 

VP Chiwenga is just as corrupt, incompetent and vote rigging thug as Mnangagwa and Mugabe. He is making a big song and dance about corruption now only win the people’s support in the factional war within Zanu PF. Whoever prevails we know the nation will still have a dictator! Fcuk that!